There are similarities between the events in Guatemala in 1944 and 2024. Both moments saw widespread mobilization of civil society, pitting the democratic aspirations of the popular majority against the entrenched interests of the minority with economic and political power. During both times, anti-democratic forces attempted to prevent or reverse progressive change. Both crises attracted significant international attention. Despite having opposing roles, the involvement of the United States in resolving the historical events was crucial.
While the outcomes were different—democracy emerged in 1944, was overthrown in 1954, and preserved in 2023–2024—both periods highlight the ongoing struggle for democratic consolidation in Guatemala and the complex interplay of domestic and international factors that shape the country’s tumultuous political trajectory.
The legacy of the Guatemalan Revolution is complex and contested. It is remembered as a period of democratic progress, social reform, unfulfilled promises, and tragic consequences. Its influence on Guatemalan society is undeniable as it shaped political discourse, the contentious repertoire of social movements, and the collective memory of what is politically conceivable. Its leaders, Juan José Arévalo Bermejo and Jacobo Árbenz Guzmán are recurring figures in the pantheon of Latin American democratic icons.
The Guatemalan Revolution was a multifaceted event with deep historical roots. It was the culmination of years of oppression, inequality, and authoritarianism, combined with inspiration from international events and the mobilization of diverse sectors of Guatemalan society. The postwar democratic flourishing brought a wave of democratic movements throughout Latin America. Guatemala was no exception, with students, teachers, and young military officers joining forces to demand structural changes. These movements were driven by a belief in the possibility of a more just and equitable society. The rise of fascism in Europe and the subsequent Second World War had a profound impact on Guatemalan intellectuals and activists, who saw the struggle against the dictatorship of General Jorge Ubico, an admirer of German National Socialism, as part of a global struggle for democracy and human rights. In addition, the ideological struggles of the Spanish Civil War, particularly against the regime of Francisco Franco, resonated among those seeking to break with Guatemala’s dictatorial past. The revolutionaries were inspired by the efforts of the Spanish Republic to challenge the Catholic Church, and the landed class descended from the colonial authorities.
The overthrow of Ubico in June 1944, following mass protests and strikes, created a political opportunity for reform. This event marked the beginning of the Ten Years of Spring and set the stage for the later events of the October Revolution with the overthrow of Ubico’s successor, General Federico Ponce Vaides, which solidified the revolutionary movement and led to the establishment of a democratic government under Arévalo Bermejo. This event further fueled hopes for a more just and equitable Guatemala. At the time, university students played a crucial role in the start of the revolution. Their protests and demonstrations challenged Ubico’s authority and created a climate of dissent. They remained active throughout the revolution, pushing for more radical reforms. The growth of unions in the 1940s, particularly on the United Fruit Company plantations, gave workers a platform to demand better wages and working conditions. Their activism brought to the fore the question of national sovereignty and the power of foreign corporations. While the extent of indigenous participation in the revolution is debated, some communities, such as Chupol, were active in revolutionary movements. Their demands for agrarian reform and social justice challenged the existing social order and contributed to the revolution’s momentum.
The Revolution brought about significant democratic changes. Near-universal suffrage was introduced, expanding voting rights for the entire population. Free elections began, marking a shift from the previous authoritarian regime. There was a concerted effort to improve the living conditions of Guatemalans by building health centers to improve access to health care, increasing funding for education, expanding educational opportunities, and introducing social security programs.
The Revolution made efforts to address the marginalization of Guatemala’s indigenous population. Harsh vagrancy laws that forced Indigenous people to work for landowners were abolished. The 1952 agrarian reform, during the government of Árbenz Guzmán, primarily benefited indigenous families, significantly improving their living standards. Today, it is known that the agrarian reform was what began the American interventionism that culminated in the coup of 1954.
However, despite policymakers’ best intentions, the Guatemalan Revolution’s attempts to modernize indigenous agriculture and promote conservation led to several unintended consequences. Modernization efforts, coupled with land scarcity, intensified the very problems they were intended to address. Officials believed Indigenous corn production, or milpa, led to deforestation and soil erosion. The revolutionary government underestimated the sophistication of the milpa system, prioritizing long-term resilience over maximum yields. Policymakers advocated monoculture and new technologies without addressing unequal land distribution, which is the root cause of environmental problems. This rapid population growth forced many peasants to shorten fallow periods, leading to declining yields and exacerbating ecological issues. The conservationist discourse used to justify land reform exposed contradictions in the government’s approach. While deforestation in the highlands was seen as a sign of backwardness, clearing trees on the coast was celebrated as progress. This revealed the racial and class biases inherent in the modernization agenda. Although land reform was intended to empower indigenous farmers, it often displaced them. Rapid land redistribution overwhelmed government resources, leaving many peasants without the financial and technical support they needed to establish modern farms. As a result, some were forced to abandon their newly acquired land and seek work on plantations, perpetuating the very labor system that the revolution sought to dismantle.
While the policies of Arévalo and Herrera reflect some of the democratic and social reform principles of the 1944 Revolution, their approach is generally more moderate. It operates within the constraints of Guatemala’s current political and economic realities. The government faces similar challenges in opposition to entrenched interests but differs in its economic approach and international relations.
Unlike their father’s revolutionary government, the government of current President Bernardo Arévalo de León and Herrera Aguilar, who took office in 2024 following a coup attempt to undermine his electoral victory, have proposed several policies that both reflect and diverge from the principles of the revolution. Arévalo’s strong emphasis on fighting corruption echoes the 1944 Revolution’s goal of cleaning up the government and promoting transparency following the Ubiquista dictatorship. The government’s ongoing efforts to strengthen democratic institutions and resist attempts to undermine the electoral process resonate with the revolution’s push for democratic governance. While progress has been limited, Arévalo’s campaign promises to address inequality and poverty align with the social agenda of the revolutionary period.
It is too early to speculate how the government of Arévalo de León and Herrera Aguilar will be remembered. To break with the authoritarian past once and for all, a key lesson is the importance of implementing reforms gradually and inclusively. The 1944-1954 revolution introduced radical changes threatening entrenched interests and ultimately provoked a backlash. Anyone would think today’s government should aim for gradual and steady reforms involving more stakeholders and avoid alienating powerful groups too quickly. But in Guatemala today, judicial reform is urgent. A transparent selection process for the attorney general and other vital prosecutors must be implemented to ensure that the public prosecution system is impartial, creating mechanisms to ensure the independence of prosecutors from political influences. Establishing a merit-based selection process for judges at all levels and implementing measures to protect judges from intimidation and political pressure is urgent. Reforming the electoral system, which involves strengthening the independence and capacity of the Supreme Electoral Tribunal and implementing safeguards against electoral fraud and manipulation, should also be an objective promoted by the government. All of this points to a fundamental change: constitutional reform.
By learning from both the successes and failures of the revolutionary period of 1944-1954, the government of Arévalo de León and Herrera Aguilar can consolidate democratic achievements and resist the authoritarian tendencies that have plagued Guatemala’s past. The key is to balance progressive change with political stability while building solid institutions and cultivating a broad base of popular support. They are still in time to make it happen.
Vaclav Masek is a Guatemalan sociologist and doctoral researcher at the Institute of Environmental Science and Technology of the Autonomous University of Barcelona. @_vaclavmasek
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